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Crisis
of the European Political Class
By Roberto Savio (*)
It was sixty years ago this May that French foreign minister
Robert Schumann made his appeal for a United Europe that
would prevent the wars and traumas that had haunted European
history. It would be hard to imagine a less auspicious time
for celebration.
Since the focus of the crisis of the dream of Schumann and
his advisor Jean Monnet is today's Greece, it would be
appropriate to use the facade of a Greek temple, with its
three rows of columns, to examine this disaster in the
architecture of Europe.
The first row of columns was the sad spectacle of 26 leaders
unable to act forcefully and together for almost four months
as the price of a rescue rose higher and higher.
Responsibility for the delay apparently lies with German
chancellor Angela Merkel who sought to postpone measures
that were sure to be unpopular until after the elections in
Renania-Westfalia. The only leader who had the strength to
pressure her was President Barack Obama, who is not exactly
European. Merkel paid dearly for the illusion that she could
lie to her electorate and lost the majority in the upper
house of parliament.
As a result of this process, not only is Germany weaker,
with a populace that does not want to continue to pay for
the costs of Europe, but Britain has grown more
anti-European. This is not good news for the leadership of
Europe, which is urgently needed.
The second row of columns is the European politicians that
have still not told the truth to their electorate for
reasons tied to their own survival. The truth is that all
but the northern countries are incapable of maintaining the
way of life they have provided their citizens thus far.
Italy is notorious, with a public debt 118 percent of its
gross national product (GNP), not much different from that
of Greece. But the European average public debt is 73.6
percent of GNP, and that of virtuous Germany is 73.2. If
deficit spending for social programmes is added to this
figure, in 25 years the Europe's average debt will be 95
percent of GNP. And this doesn't take into account the
indebtedness of European families and businesses. In short,
income cannot cover costs. Who will make the sacrifices?
The young Europeans who for the most part have precarious
employment and earn about 1000 euros per month?
The third row of columns which completes the structure of
the collapse of the European political class, is the
ineptness in the search for solutions to the gigantic
financial crisis of 2007, which swallowed up more than two
trillion euros. This crisis left 50 million unemployed and
100 million new poor. We all know why: the deregulation
initiated by Ronald Reagan and continued by Bill Clinton
paved the way for developments that had been previously
unthinkable:
the growth of banks into entities that are "too big to
fail"; the removal of all controls on the financial system,
which transformed the home mortgage market into a field for
commercial speculation. For many years central banks made
loans at very low interest rates, allowing speculators to
run high-risk operations and make giant profits; and among
other things, bank executives made absurd amounts of money,
completely out of proportion to the system of production.
Today the financial system is far more powerful than the
real economy, and there are only timid efforts to introduce
certain controls, without attacking the system. Even the
astounding case of the ratings agencies, where a 30-year-old
functionary without experience or special qualifications was
allowed to make judgements that overturned the market.
Moreover, it is common knowledge that the agencies were way
off in their evaluations of the American banks that went
bust, and that there is a clear conflict of interest because
not only do they receive money from these agencies but they
also have entered directly into financial speculation.
All we can do now is hope for the best, that the West will
succeed in balancing income and spending (which will require
serious sacrifices) and that the official optimism is valid.
But after a glance at the projections of what countries will
have to do to return to 2007 levels, any optimism wilts.
For example, the United States will have to run a budget
surplus of 4 percent for 10 years to move from its current
debt level of 10 percent to the 69 percent level of 2007. To
put this in context, the US took 17 years to reduce its
public debt from 108 percent at the end of World War II back
to the 1941 level of 42 percent. Europe will have to grow at
2.7 percent until 2023 to return to 2007 debt levels.
The UK would need ten years of 5 percent surplus, 7 percent
for Japan. In the decade to come, the emerging countries
will without a doubt continue to grow thanks to their
untapped internal markets and because they did not take part
in the great financial orgy that blew up especially for the
players from the North. The reason that Obama pressured
European leaders to put their houses in order is not only
that he is a more responsible politician but also because
the American banks have a 3.6 billion dollar exposure to
European banks (1 billion in France and Germans and 200
million in Spain) and they will not be unharmed by a crisis
in Europe.
Meanwhile, China will surpass Japan next year as the world's
second largest economic power. And in ten years, Brazil,
Indonesia, India, and South Africa will have overtaken
Belgium, Holland, and other European countries with the
exception of Germany, France, and the UK. Europe has yet
another problem, its aging population: according to the
United Nations, at least 20 million more immigrants are
needed for Europe remain competitive. Where are the
politicians who will tell this to a European population that
grows more xenophobic and insecure every day?
Whosoever does so will be voted out, and there are few
suicidal types in politics. (June 2010/COPYRIGHT IPS)
*Roberto Savio is founder and
president emeritus of the Inter Press Service (IPS) news
agency. Publisher of Other News. |